Lawrence J.
Haas
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October 13, 2008
Presuming They Win,
Democrats Must Not Overreach
Wall Street’s meltdown, which has spurred widespread predictions of a
deep and painful recession, has Democrats dreaming not just of a Barack
Obama presidency but of enough House and Senate pick-ups in November to
largely curtail the Republicans’ power to block Democratic initiatives.
That, in turn, has the Democrats’ liberal wing, which chafed under Bill
Clinton’s centrist rule and seethed during the conservative George W.
Bush years, dreaming of a hugely expansive domestic program, even of a
second FDR-style New Deal that would significantly increase the size of
government.
Presumably, Democrats would offer sweeping proposals to provide health
care coverage to all Americans, address climate change by reducing
greenhouse gas emissions, invest heavily in alternative fuels to end our
oil dependency and launch a new public works program to rebuild our
roads and bridges.
If, however, Democrats want to retain power for awhile, they should
eschew such sweeping proposals, with their inevitable mix of dramatic
new spending and new taxes that the public would likely reject. Instead,
they should propose incremental approaches to address such problems,
enabling them to make step-by-step progress towards their goals while
retaining public support.
Simply put, it’s not the 1930s all over again. We are a different
people, facing different challenges and having different expectations of
what our government can accomplish for us.
While our forefathers were revolutionaries, we are now raging
incrementalists. Modern-day political leaders who have ruled with that
reality in mind have succeeded. Those who have not have failed.
Economically, yes, times are tough – and scary. But let’s keep things in
perspective. When FDR proposed “bold, persistent experimentation” as he
ran for president in 1932, unemployment was nearing 25 percent. Today,
it’s just over 6 percent – serious, but hardly catastrophic. We have
advanced far beyond the America of the 1930s, a third of which was, in
Roosevelt’s words, “ill-housed, ill-clad, ill-nourished.”
Nor, unlike the 1930s, does the federal government have much room to
expand. Even after Herbert Hoover’s often overlooked efforts from 1929
to 1933 to attack the Great Depression, government grew to just 7
percent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP). And even with FDR’s New Deal in
place, government did not top 11 percent until America entered World War
II.
Today, federal spending equals about 21 percent of GDP and Americans
show no great inclination to let it grow much more. Federal taxes equal
about 18 percent of GDP and, as they approached 20 percent on occasion
in the recent past, Americans have tended to launch tax revolts to force
politicians to cut them back. Tax revolts also occur in states and
localities when tax burdens rise.
After decades of conservative attacks on government as wasteful and
ineffective, and after government’s admitted failure to reach some of
its outsized goals (such as ending poverty), Americans have grown
skeptical of sweeping public solutions to problems. Political leaders
who have not recognized that basic reality have suffered the
consequences.
After President Clinton proposed in 1993 to overhaul the health care
system, guaranteeing universal coverage but creating huge new regulatory
bureaucracies, the public turned against his plan, lawmakers of both
parties soon followed and it collapsed a year later on Capitol Hill.
Clinton paid the price in the 1994 mid-term elections as Republicans
gained enough seats to win simultaneous control of the House and Senate
for the first time in 40 years.
That new Republican majority proceeded to make the same kind of mistake
in 1995. In a landmark budget battle with Clinton, they forced a
government shutdown that kept parks, museums and other popular services
closed. Once more, the public turned away, preferring Clinton’s
new-found centrism to GOP radicalism.
That’s not to say that change is impossible or progress is unattainable.
Quite the contrary, modern-day government in Washington has made real
progress when it has proceeded incrementally.
Clinton learned that lesson better than anyone. After the health care
debacle, he opted for bite-sized progress. He worked with Congress to
provide new health care coverage to millions of low-income children,
expand federal aid to education, invest more in research, end “welfare
as we know it,” overhaul immigration and make progress on a host of
other fronts.
A
new all-Democratic government can succeed. But its leaders must keep not
just public need in mind, but public skepticism as well. They can make
headway on their goals, but they’re likelier to do so through
incremental steps rather than monumental proposals that will prove too
large for the public to accept.
© 2008
North Star Writers Group. May not be republished without permission.
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