May 7, 2007
Foes of Hate Crime Bill
Prove It’s Needed
On
the heels of President Bush’s war-funding bill veto will likely come
another, just the third to join the short list of vetoes issued during
Bush’s tenure at the White House. The proposed Local Law Enforcement
Hate Crimes Act, which was passed by the House of Representatives on
Thursday despite the accompanying White House veto threat, includes
provisions that would make it possible for federal investigation and
prosecution of any hate crime, as well as a more-publicized tenet that
expands the definition of hate crimes to include attacks based on sexual
orientation, transgender identity, gender and disability.
Currently, hate crimes are only taken to the federal level if they
involve federally protected activities, such as voting, attending school
and moving across state lines, and cover violence based on race,
religion and national origin.
Most media and public attention is focused on the clause that offers
greater protection for sexual minorities. But it shouldn’t even be
news. Federal hate-crimes protection for homosexuals, transgender
individuals and other members of the Lesbian Gay Bisexual Transgender (LGBT)
community should have been a part of national law for years, especially
given the 1993 rape and murder of 21-year-old Brandon Teena, a
transgender individual, and the widely publicized, brutal slaying of
Matthew Shepard, a homosexual, in 1998.
According to FBI reports, 14 percent of 2005 hate crimes were motivated
by sexual orientation, which is just slightly less than the percent of
attacks based on religion and greater than the percent of attacks
based on ethnicity, two groups that are currently protected under the
law. Those in the sexual minority deserve the same protection as other
minorities because they are just as abused and just as worthy of it. But
not only is this protection not afforded them, but arguments against the
proposed revisions to hate crime laws are based on prejudices that
should be a mere memory in the year 2007.
Some House Republicans opposed to the bill countered that it made no
mention of the elderly or of the military. Others, including Rep. Lamar
Smith of Texas, the top Republican on the Judiciary Committee, argued
that everyone should be equally protected under Constitutional law, with
no exceptions being made for minority populations.
First, the very definition of hate crime eliminates the need to include
the elderly and military service members. It is a sad fact that the
elderly are targeted for crime, but those who commit the crimes
are not doing so because they have a deep-seeded hatred for old people,
but because the elderly are a vulnerable population and make for easy
prey. That is not to say that laws shouldn’t be enacted that call for
harsher punishments for those who commit crimes against the elderly, but
they cannot accurately be called “hate crimes.” Members of the military,
while facing danger in times of war overseas, are not common victims of
hate-based crimes on their home turf.
Second, while every American citizen has a Constitutional right to
protection, those in minority groups are in a unique situation. Simply
being who they are inspires people to commit violence against them.
Additionally, if we were all to have the equal protection Rep. Smith
suggests, we would have to eliminate all hate crime laws covering
race, religion and national origin. Doing away with hate crime laws
altogether would be an injustice, and members of both parties would
likely oppose it. So these groups are and will continue to rightfully be
protected, but the still-unaccepted sexual minorities are not.
Perhaps the weakest argument against the Local Law Enforcement Hate
Crimes Protection Act is the one put forth by the religious right – that
this act would take away their right to free speech and hold them
accountable for speaking out against homosexuality. Religious leaders
argue that under the act, they will be unable to preach about the
biblical immorality of homosexuality. While it is baffling that any
group still finds it necessary, and expects it to be legal, to berate a
group of people unabashedly in the year 2007 (imagine if they were to
attack racial minorities so fervently), that is not the issue here.
What’s important is the fact that the proposed act would in no way take
away their right to free speech, as it covers only physical acts against
these groups. Perhaps the religious right should also consider that
they, under current hate crime laws, are protected against hate-related
attacks, and reflect on what it might be like if that were to be taken
away from them.
Because there are so many opposing voices to this bill, and so many of
them stand in opposition solely because of the bill’s intention to
expand the targeted groups of hate crime to include LGBT individuals, it
is quite obvious that homosexual hate is a problem, and that what the
bill is proposing is absolutely, and unfortunately, necessary.
© 2007 North Star Writers
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