September
6, 2006
Sixty
Percent Can Be Wrong, And They Are
My name is
Alan Smithey and I play third base for the New England Patriots. Or it’s
not and I don’t. But if I worked hard enough at it, I might be able to
produce a poll in which 60 percent of Americans agree with these
statements. And if George W. Bush disagreed, I suppose he would be out
of touch with reality.
Ah polls.
August produced two fascinating polls that made news to lead us into
September – one by Reuters and one by the Associated Press. The Reuters
poll found that more Americans can name the Three Stooges than can name
the three branches of government. Numbskulls. It also found that more
people know Superman came from planet Krypton than know Mercury is the
closest planet to the sun. (But did they count the responses of newly
disenfranchised Plutonians?)
General
theme: We’re not paying much attention to things of substance. Granted,
this comes from the same news organization that won’t call the 9/11
attackers “terrorists,” but polls are polls. Take them for what they’re
worth, which raises the question of what the second poll is worth.
According
to an AP/Ipsos poll conducted from August 7-17, 60 percent of Americans do not believe the Iraq War is part of the
War on Terror. These are presumably the same Americans who told Reuters
they can recognize “American Idol” winner Taylor Hicks more readily than
Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito, but as far as the AP is concerned,
their judgment on the matter is definitive.
George W.
Bush, ever the denier of reality (which is defined by polls, you
understand), disagrees. Of course, he always has. Bush told us before
invading Iraq that the effort would be a central front in the larger War
on Terror. And he told us why – because a foothold for democracy in the
Middle East
would threaten the broader support structure of terrorism, especially
where they had once enjoyed the hospitality of a terrorist-friendly
regime. Ask Achille Lauro hijacking “mastermind” Abu Abbas, who lived in
Baghdad under Saddam’s protection for more than a decade before U.S.
forces captured him trying to flee to
Syria
in April 2003.
Or better
yet, ask Osama Bin Laden, whose Al Qaeda network has committed thousands
upon thousands of fighters to the fight against democracy in Iraq – a
curious allocation of resources if Iraqi democracy does not threaten
terrorists.
That was
Bush’s story before the war. It is also his story now. Just last week he
reiterated, before an American Legion convention, that Iraq is the
central front in the War on Terror. “If we give up the fight in the
streets of Baghdad,” he said, “we will face the terrorists in the
streets of our own cities.” He also invoked Thomas Jefferson in
reminding his audience that nations cannot move “from despotism to
liberty in a featherbed.”
So. Bush
says Iraq is part of the War on Terror. Sixty percent of poll
respondents say it’s not. Guess what? Only one vote matters here.
It is one
thing to question whether Iraq should be part of the War on
Terror (although I think Bush wins that argument rather easily, at least
on substance), but what is the point of a poll that asks the nation to
define a particular truth that is not determined by attitudes or
opinions? Perhaps AP and Ipsos would like to conduct a poll asking
Americans whether Fidel Castro is a despot. Perhaps they could ask
Americans if Fidel has a beard.
Is heroin
bad for you? Is 190 pounds too fat if you’re five-foot-seven? Was Mickey
Rourke’s facelift a quality upgrade? Americans speak their minds!
But who
cares? Facts are what they are. Heroin? Kills you. One-ninety? Buy some
running shoes. Mickey? Good God, what did you do? There is such a
thing as a definitively wrong opinion. Is Bush a good president?
Debatable. Is the Iraq War helping us win the War on Terror? Debatable.
Is the Iraq War part of the War on Terror? Indisputably.
So why even
conduct such polls? Here is why:
Much of the
mainstream media, in partnership with Democrats, has been trying for the
better part of three years to define Iraq as separate from the War on
Terror, because doing so makes Bush’s action look reckless and
irresponsible. The poll is nothing more than a measurement of how the
effort is going.
If they
like the results, of course, out come the headlines. They can trumpet
their success as validation from the public – the same public that is
more familiar with Homer Simpson’s son Bart than it is with Homer the
classical poet.
When Bush
tries to make the opposite case, of course, the reporting focuses more
on his rhetorical technique than on the substance of what he says.
Behold the razor-sharp analysis of the New York Times: “While he
predicted victory, resurrecting a word he had dropped months ago and
using it 12 times in a 44-minute speech . . .” blather blather . . .
Facts have
a way of emerging from history more intact than media spin. Bush seems
to realize this, while his media antagonists are determined to redefine
facts according to the public’s judgment of the moment. Except when the
public does something really indefensible. Like re-electing Bush.
© 2006 North Star Writers
Group. May not be republished without permission.
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